By P. Coupland
Britannia, Europa and Christendom brings to mild the webs of effect linking Christian leaders and politicians and indicates the conflicting relationships among nationwide identification and Christian universalism, and among Britain as a one-time global energy, a ecu state, and junior associate within the 'transatlantic alliance'.
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Additional resources for Britannia, Europa and Christendom: British Christians and European Integration
In his paper ‘First Thoughts on a Peace Settlement’ Toynbee argued that if Britain and France each jealously hoarded their sovereignty then their destiny was to lose it. Not only that, but to see the liberal and democratic way of life and civilisation itself lost to German fascist world domination. The only way out was for the two countries to match German power by pooling their sovereignties to become ‘a single AngloFrench state’. This ‘political union’, a ‘full and permanent’ federation, would then become the nucleus for ‘predominantly democratic and Christian-minded superstate’.
Matthews, backed-up by the expertise of Toynbee’s fellow academic and RIIA member, Sir Alfred Zimmern. 44 As to Paton’s own position on federalism, he remained sceptical but interested; later he declined an offer to join the FU council but remained in contact with it. Temple had an established interest in the reform of international relations. 51 At one stage, Temple looked to the emergence of a mass-movement of Christians and others of like mind. 52 Temple became a FU supporter in the summer of 1939 and gave the organisation the widest possible exposure, naming it on the BBC and in published letters to the Daily Telegraph and Morning Post later that year.
Oakeshott had contended : ‘The new order will not be a Europe of sovereign nation states’. He noted ‘the fusion of France and Britain’ proposed by Jean Monnet – later to be the founding father of united Europe – which so nearly took place between Britain and France in 1940, that ‘[i]f such a fusion was right for France and Britain it might be right for others too’. 116 Except in name, this was a fully federal Europe. Paton agreed that ‘[i]n some way or another a European unity has to be found’.