By Kristine Bruland
How did small eu economies collect the applied sciences and talents had to industrialize within the 19th century? during this vital contribution to a long-standing debate, Kristine Bruland seems on the Norwegian adventure to teach how a technological infrastructure was once created, and means that a lot of this was once end result of the efforts of British desktop makers who from the mid 1840s vigorously sought international markets. supplying not just easy technical prone but in addition expert labour to establish after which supervise the operation of the hot equipment, British cloth engineering agencies have been capable of provide a whole 'package' of prone, considerably easing the preliminary technical difficulties confronted through Norwegian marketers. Kristine Bruland's case-study of the Norwegian cloth demonstrates essentially the anomaly that Britain's entrepreneurial efforts within the provide of capital items in a foreign country have been mostly chargeable for the production of the technical commercial bases of lots of her significant international opponents.
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Extra info for British Technology and European Industrialization: The Norwegian Textile Industry in the Mid-Nineteenth Century
This implies that the number of new adopters increases initially at a slow rate, that the rate then increases, and that finally it decreases. So diffusion occurs at a non-instantaneous rate, and that rate changes over time. Why, the literature asks, should diffusion paths take this form? 52 These models have two features which make them unsuitable for historical analyses. First, they assume the economic superiority of the new technique, which involves the further implicit assumptions that potential users actually have the capacity to assess new techniques and put them to work, and that calculating the profitability of a new technique is unproblematical (both in terms of calculation technique and absence of uncertainty).
The machinery component offixedcapital is then further disaggregated into particular machine types - that is, preparatory and finishing, spinning and weaving equipment - for each firm. Finally, by referring to extant invoices andfirms'purchase records, I establish the degree to which, for two of the bigger firms, these machine stocks consisted of imports from Britain. I show that, within a rapidly growingfixedcapital stock, the growth of what I call 'direct production equipment' formed the predominant part, and that, with only extremely minor exceptions, this equipment originated in Britain.
Peter Jebsen, another textile manufacturer, attempted to solve the problem by taking his own boat around the isolated settlements of the coastal region. 2 Perhaps the key distinguishing feature of the Norwegian economy in the preindustrial period was that it was characterized by a substantial and increasing degree of openness; the level of foreign trade was in many respects exceptional for such a peripheral economy. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, for example, about a third of domestic grain consumption was imported.